Story Brunch
Story of one of the most dreaded private militias of the world in 1990s- The Ranvir Sena
In the late 1960s, West Bengal witnessed the rise of the Naxalite movement, driven by radical leftist ideologies aimed at class struggle. The movement’s origins trace back to a rebellion against landlords, advocating for land redistribution . Named after the village Naxalbari, where the first armed revolt took place, the Naxalites initially sought to empower the rural poor. However, as the movement progressed, it became increasingly violent and focused on caste conflicts, eventually spreading to neighboring states.
By the 1980s, Naxalism had spread to Bihar, where the deep-seated caste system turned it into a more violent struggle. The Bhumihars, Rajputs, Yadavs and Kurmis, traditionally dominant castes, became prime targets of the naxalites. The Naxalites mobilized the marginalized classes—SCs, STs, and lower OBCs—as foot soldiers in their fight against the upper castes.
In Bihar, various caste-based armies emerged in response to the growing threat of Naxalism and left-wing extremism, with different castes organizing to protect their communities. The Kuer Sena was formed in 1979 by Rajputs in Bhojpur, followed by the Kisan Suraksha Samiti (1979) by Kurmis in Patna, Jehanabad, and Gaya. In 1983, the Bhumi Sena (Kurmis) and Lorik Sena (Yadavs) took root in Patna and surrounding regions. By 1984, the Bramharshi Sena, led by Bhumihars, operated in Bhojpur, Aurangabad, and Jehanabad, and the Kisan Sangh, a Rajput and Brahmin group, formed in Palamu and Aurangabad.
Other groups like the Kisan Sewak Samaj (1985, Rajputs) and Sunlight Sena (1989, Pathans and Rajputs) appeared across Palamu, Garhwa, and Gaya. The Sawarna Liberation Front (1990, Bhumihars) and Kisan Sangh (1990, Bhumihars) emerged in Gaya and Bhojpur, while Kisan Morcha (1989-90, Rajputs) and Ganga Sena (1990, Rajputs) formed in Bhojpur. Finally, Ranvir Sena, established in 1994 by Bhumihars, rose in Bhojpur and spread across Patna, Jehanabad, and other districts.
Despite their efforts, most of these caste armies could not withstand the organizational and military strength of the Naxalites. The Ranvir Sena, formed in later years, however, proved to be a formidable force, responding to Naxalite attacks with brutal counterattacks, making it one of the most feared anti-Naxalite private militia in the region.
As the Naxals spread their reign of terror across the Magadh region, they moved from village to village, claiming lands by planting red flags on farmers’ fields. Once a red flag was raised, it signaled that the land no longer belonged to the farmers but to the Naxals. The fear of the red radicals swept through the districts of Gaya, Patna, Jehanabad, Aurangabad, Bhojpur, and Ara.
To create an atmosphere of terror, Naxals used torturous methods to kill, such as gradually slitting throats of farmers caught during raids on villages, till they bled to death.
In the 1990s, a noticeable shift occurred in the tactics of the Naxalites. Unlike the 1980s, when they indiscriminately targeted landowners across all castes, the Naxalites began to focus their attacks primarily on Bhumihar villages, with a few assaults on Rajputs too. This selective violence marked a departure from their earlier strategy and hinted at a deeper, more calculated motive. The sudden concentration on the Bhumihars suggested that the Naxalites were possibly influenced by forces within the corridors of power. Some people with political interests were probably shaping the direction of these attacks, using the Naxal movement as a tool to weaken the Bhumihar community.
As caste-based massacres spiraled out of control, a grim reality gripped the region. Farmers, living in fear of Naxalites, could no longer harvest the crops they had sown. Public transportation became a dangerous gamble, with a few incidents of Naxalites storming trains in Kiul-Gaya-Jehanabad route and interrogating passengers about their caste. For a few Bhumihars, these encounters of ended in cold-blooded murder.
In 1992, the violence reached a horrifying peak when 37 Bhumihars were brutally killed by Naxalites in Bara.
The slow government response and the political protection afforded to the ruling Janta Dal leaders only deepened public outrage and resentment. The state’s failure to curb the Naxalite violence left the Bhumihar community, especially in Ara- Bhojpur and surrounding areas, feeling cornered.
In 1993-94,in villages like Bihta and Ekbari, the Naxals seized control of the farmers’ lands and set their sights on the next target—Belaur, a Bhumihar village. The Naxals boldly declared,
“Dhah Gaya Bihta, Dhah Gaya Ekbaari,
Ab hai Belaur ki Baari,”
meaning that after conquering Bihta and Ekbari, Belaur was next target of the naxalites.
Faced with a choice between action or annihilation, the Bhumihar farmers chose to pick weapons. Brahmeshwar Mukhiya, the village head of Khopira, decided that enough was enough. Determined to protect their land, he gathered the Bhumihars and other castes’ farmers from the village and prepared for a fierce defense. Young men armed themselves with weapons funded by donations from Bhumihar peasants, ready to confront the Naxals. Rajputs too supported the endeavor later as they had also been victims of Naxal violence.
Mukhiya gave the slogan,
“Na Bihta, Na Ekbaari,
MaLe ke Bhoot Belaur Utari,”
which loosely translates as – ” Neither the village Bihta nor Ekbaari could, but village Belaur will demolish the naxals”. MaLe here is acronym for MArxist-LEninist.
When the Naxals came to annex farmlands in Belaur, they faced a fierce battle, and it ended in a crushing defeat for them. This decisive victory marked the beginning of the Ranvir Sena, a force that would go on to challenge the Naxals in other areas with equal brutality.
Before the Ranvir Sena emerged, resistance to the Naxals wasn’t absent—many villages had their own local units defending themselves. One of the strongest centers of resistance was in Gaya- Jehanabad, led by Chunnu Sharma, known locally as the Magadh Tiger. He was the son of a school teacher and a passionate cricket lover, but when the Naxal threat loomed over his village, he took up arms. In a short time, Chunnu Sharma became a formidable figure, organizing villagers to stand against the Naxal onslaught.
These local resistance groups, scattered across different villages, eventually united under the banner of the Ranvir Sena, with Brahmeshwar Mukhiya as the organizational head. This combined force became a powerful opposition to the Naxals. The Naxals had already suffered a major blow in Belaur, where their defeat shattered their morale. The fear of a retaliatory attack from this newly strengthened force began to spread, slowing their advance and weakening their grip on the surrounding villages.
The Ranvir Sena was well-financed, thanks to the wealth and influence of the Bhumihar caste, which provided the funds needed to purchase arms and ammunition. The core of the Sena’s cadre was made up of volunteer farmers and young men determined to protect their lands from the Naxal threat. Financial contributions poured in from Bhumihars and some Rajputs, with people donating according to their means. Even the poorest farmers, unable to contribute money, gave food grains as their share in the fight against left-wing extremism.
There were rumors that significant funds came from abroad, particularly from Mauritius, where a large Bhumihar diaspora exists. Allegedly, wealthy Bhumihar politicians and contractors from Jharkhand also contributed substantial amounts. Within a short time, the Sena amassed considerable resources. It was even rumored that every member was provided life insurance by the organization, in case they got killed.
In terms of training, the cadre of the Ranvir Sena received guidance from retired military personnel and soldiers on leave. Intelligence reports suggested that the Sena was in search of more advanced weaponry to match the firepower of the Naxals. They were not satisfied with their current arsenal and were reportedly in contact with agents in the USA and Sri Lanka to procure sophisticated arms for their cause. (Telegraph Link- Ranbir Sena Shops For Arms)
One of the guiding principles of the Ranvir Sena was maintaining a “balance of power,” which meant retaliating against Naxal attacks with even greater brutality.
While the Naxals often struck at random, targeting Bhumihar villages across the Magadh region and killing innocents, the Ranvir Sena chose a more calculated approach. They retaliated by attacking villages that were known to harbor Naxal cadres or were suspected of providing safe zones for the extremists. But even in these villages many innocents fell to bullets.
The monstrous visage of a rich and well-equipped illegal militia, the ceaseless spread of Naxalism, caste polarization, and the failure of state machinery created a terrifying cocktail that plunged the state into turmoil and mayhem.
Caste-based massacres echoed across the state as the calendar pages turned. The brutal tit-for-tat between the Ranvir Sena and the Naxalites led to the decimation of innocents on both sides. Villages lay in ruins, the silence of abandoned houses deafening. This ruthless dance of death compelled people to abandon their ancestral lands for the safer confines of cities. Yet, the bloodletting continued unabated, with the private army usurping the state’s responsibility to combat Naxalism.
As this conflict was not fought on conventional terms but with guerrilla warfare tactics, most of the massacres on both sides resulted in the deaths of innocent people. Though the war was ideological at its core, driven by opposing beliefs, it often appeared to be a caste conflict because both Ranvir Sena and the Naxal cadres primarily came from specific castes.
The media, in turn, portrayed the violence as merely caste-based, while largely ignoring the killing of innocent Bhumihar farmers by the Naxals in the name of class struggle.
The apathy of Lalu Yadav’s government towards the killing of innocent farmers by Naxals was another key factor that fueled support for the Ranvir Sena among the farming communities. Lalu’s slogan, “BhuRa BaaL Hatao” (targeting the upper castes), had already created deep distrust among upper-caste farmers, leaving them with little hope of government protection. Mismanagement under Lalu’s leadership had led to the near-collapse of state machinery, allowing criminals and goons to operate freely. As a result, many farmers saw the Ranvir Sena as the only deterrence against the growing Naxal threat.
Many villages in Magadh and its surrounding areas became battlegrounds in the brutal war between the Ranvir Sena and the Naxals, with the blood of innocents soaking the land once known for the peace of Buddha. The tit-for-tat violence plunged the state into chaos, disrupting law and order, and sparking calls from opposition parties to impose President’s Rule, though unsuccessfully. For over a decade, the state resembled a civil war zone, as the Ranvir Sena retaliated for every Naxal attack.
This ruthless dance of death compelled people to abandon their ancestral lands for the safer confines of cities. Yet, the bloodletting continued unabated.
However, with a change in government and the tide turning after years of bloodshed, Naxal violence in Magadh began to decrease significantly, and the massacres ceased. As a result, the Ranvir Sena also started to fade into dormancy.
Brahmeshwar Mukhiya, the leader of the Ranvir Sena, was allegedly involved in orchestrating his own ‘arrest’ and served a decade in prison. Upon his release, he seemed ready to launch a political career, but tragedy struck during his morning walk in 2012 when he was murdered, sending shockwaves through the state. His death led to riots in Patna, but despite the unrest, the state eventually returned to normal.
Brahmeshwar Mukhiya remains a significant, if polarizing, figure in Bihar’s farming community. For farmers, he was seen as a protector, standing firm against massacres of innocents by Naxals- Maoists and ensuring that their lands didn’t fall under the grip of the red flags. Even today, some farmers credit him with saving their livelihoods, viewing him as a hero who stepped up when the state failed.
However, Mukhiya’s legacy is far from clear-cut. His militia’s retaliatory attacks, often brutal, led to the deaths of many innocents. For a significant portion of the population, he crossed the line by taking the law into his own hands, leaving behind a legacy stained by violence and massacres.
