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Prashant Kishor and His Career as a Political Strategist
Prashant Kishor, often referred to as PK, a well-known political strategist began his career in public health, working with the United Nations before venturing into Indian politics in 2011. Kishor first rose to prominence when he created the Citizens for Accountable Governance (CAG) in 2014, which played a pivotal role in Narendra Modi’s successful campaign during the 2014 Lok Sabha elections. This campaign included innovative strategies like “Chai pe Charcha,” 3D rallies, and other social media initiatives. Massive victory for BJP in 2014 elections gave PK a perfect launch for his latter career as a political consultant. (WikiBio, Business News).
After the success of the 2014 elections, Kishor transformed CAG into the Indian Political Action Committee (I-PAC) and began working with various political parties across India. He was instrumental in Nitish Kumar’s victory in the 2015 Bihar Legislative Assembly elections, where he helped the Janata Dal (United) [JD(U)], then part of Mahagathbandhan (MGB) in alliance with RJD win against the BJP. Kishor’s success continued as he advised the Indian National Congress (INC) in Punjab’s 2017 Assembly Elections, leading to a decisive win for Captain Amarinder Singh. Though his strategies did not yield any result in the 2017 Uttar Pradesh elections for the INC where BJP swept the elections with three-fourths majority.(Wikipedia, WikiBio).
Kishor then went on to strategize for Y.S. Jagan Mohan Reddy’s Yuvajana Sramika Rythu Congress Party (YSRCP) in Andhra Pradesh, contributing to a landslide victory in the 2019 state elections. He also played a key role in the 2020 Delhi Legislative Assembly election for the Aam Aadmi Party (AAP), leading to another significant win. Furthermore, he was the chief strategist for the Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (DMK) in the 2021 Tamil Nadu Legislative Assembly elections, where the party won a substantial majority under the leadership of M.K. Stalin.
Kishor’s work extended to the All India Trinamool Congress (AITC) during the 2021 West Bengal Legislative Assembly election, where his strategies helped Mamata Banerjee retain her position as Chief Minister. After these successes, Kishor announced his retirement from political strategy and entered the Bihar political arena for 2025 State Assembly elections.
Current Political Ambitions in Bihar
Prashant Kishor announced the formation of his political outfit, Jan Suraaj, and plans to contest the 2025 Bihar Legislative Assembly elections with the aim of forming a government in Bihar. His initiative, known as the “Jan Suraaj Padyatra,” involved a 3,000 km journey across Bihar to engage directly with the state’s populace and understand their needs. It was also a way to test waters by checking pulse of populace before he could formally launch his political party.
In this article we analyse the impact of Prashant Kishor’s Jan Suraaj Party in Bihar 2025 state assembly elections.
Lack of Dedicated Ground Cadre
Prashant Kishor’s Jan Suraaj, has created significant buzz, especially on social media platforms like Twitter (now X), Facebook, and YouTube. Kishor himself has garnered extensive media coverage due to his engaging interviews across the TV channels and YouTubers, which have resonated particularly with the intellectual class and political analysts. Manak Gupta, a prominent media host, acknowledged the high viewership and interest that Kishor’s media appearances generate in a Twitter post, specially among the intellectual class. Prashant Kishor’s entry in Bihar politics has definitely added a lot of masala to an otherwise boring and old-age political discourse in Bihar.
However, despite the widespread social media presence and the initial enthusiasm generated by Kishor’s 3,000 km “Jan Suraaj Padyatra” across Bihar, his party struggles with establishing a robust ground cadre. While social media is effective in creating buzz and spreading awareness, it does not necessarily translate into effective voter mobilization during elections. For political success, especially in a state like Bihar, having a dedicated ground cadre is crucial. This cadre is responsible for canvassing, managing voter lists, and ensuring that supporters turn up to vote on election day.
In the areas I have covered as a journalist, while people generally hold a favorable opinion of Prashant Kishor and appreciate his speeches and vision for Bihar, there is a noticeable absence of a committed and organized cadre working on the ground. The excitement generated by Kishor’s padyatra appears to have been short-lived, with much of the enthusiasm fading without a solid foundation to sustain it. This lack of a strong grassroots presence could significantly hinder Jan Suraaj’s ability to convert public opinion into actual votes.
The situation is particularly challenging because, in Bihar’s electoral politics, established parties like the Rashtriya Janata Dal (RJD), Janata Dal (United) (JD-U), and the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) have deeply entrenched local cadres. RJD has the strongest cadre base in Bihar followed by BJP which gets the backing of RSS volunteers spread across Bihar during elections apart from its own cadre strength. This enables them to effectively mobilize voters and secure their turnout on election day, which is an area where Jan Suraaj currently lacks strength. Without a strong ground cadre to back up the digital presence, Jan Suraaj’s chances of making a significant impact in the upcoming Bihar elections appear limited.
Will Muslim Voters Support Prashant Kishor?
In Bihar, the Muslim population constitutes about 17% of the electorate, making it a significant voting bloc. Historically, Muslims in India tend to vote strategically to prevent the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) from winning, given the party’s association with Hindutva ideology. In this context, the parties that present the strongest challenge to the BJP usually secure the majority of Muslim votes. This has been the case in Bihar, where the Rashtriya Janata Dal (RJD)-Congress alliance has consistently attracted substantial Muslim support.
Nitish Kumar, despite his efforts to court the Muslim electorate by focusing on Pasmanda Muslims (the historically marginalized Muslim communities), has struggled to win over the broader Muslim population. This is primarily due to his alliance with the BJP.
Prashant Kishor, with his new party Jan Suraaj, faces a tough challenge in competing for Muslim votes against the well-established RJD-Congress alliance. For Kishor to gain substantial support from the Muslim community, he would need to position himself as a more effective opposition to the BJP than Tejashwi Yadav’s RJD. However, this strategy is not without its pitfalls. While Kishor has announced that he will allocate minimum 40 tickets to Muslim candidates in recognition of their population share, this move wouldn’t go well with Hindu voters.
Impact of Criticism of CAA, NRC, and Wakf Board Bill
In a bid to aggressively court Muslim voters, Prashant Kishor in a recently held party convention organised to seek Muslim support for Jan Suraaj criticised Citizenship Amendment Act (CAA) and the proposed National Register of Citizens (NRC) as policies that are discriminatory towards Muslims. Kishor went to the extent of criticising the Wakf Board Amendment Bill, which seeks to curb the powers of the Wakf Board in claiming properties.
The Wakf Board Amendment Bill has garnered substantial support from Hindu voters across the country, particularly because of concerns regarding the Wakf Board’s expansive powers to claim lands. The recent controversy in Bihar, where the Wakf Board has staked claimed on an entire village as its property, has heightened these concerns. Many Hindus view the amendment as a necessary step to prevent the arbitrary annexation of land under Wakf jurisdiction. Kishor’s criticism of this amendment may therefore be seen as going against the interests of the Hindu majority, which could hurt his chances in the state. Kishor also risks alienating his upper-caste online supporters, who also happen to be the most vocal supporters of Hindutva ideology.
Prashant Kishor’s Brahmin Identity in Bihar Politics
Prashant Kishor’s Brahmin identity is a speed-breaker to his personal ambitions in the highly caste-polarized political landscape of Bihar. Since the 1990s, when the Mandal Commission’s recommendations were implemented, leading to the rise of backward caste politics under leaders like Lalu Prasad Yadav and Nitish Kumar, Bihar has seen a pronounced divide between upper castes and backward castes. This shift in power dynamics resulted in a political environment where backward castes, particularly the Yadavs and Kurmis, have dominated the state’s political narrative.
In such a scenario, the prospect of an upper-caste leader like Prashant Kishor becoming the Chief Minister may not sit well with a significant portion of the electorate, particularly those from backward castes. The rise of Mandal politics in Bihar, and beneficiaries from this power shift may resist the idea of reverting to upper-caste Chief Minister. This is further complicated by the current political discourse around caste census and demands for increasing the reservation ceiling, as championed by Rahul Gandhi and Tejaswi Yadav. The demand for more representation of backward castes does not augur well for PK’s rise in Bihar politics.
RJD leaders and social media cell handlers are deliberately addressing Prashant Kishor as PK “Pandey” to emphasise his Brahmin identity and subtly fuel Upper vs Backard caste dynamics.
Caste Based Leaders and Parties
Bihar’s politics of last three decades has given rise to influential leaders like Chirag Paswan, who commands the loyalty of the Paswan community, Jitan Ram Manjhi, who holds sway over the Manjhi community, and Mukesh Sahni who has considerable influence on Mallah community voters . Samrat Choudhary from the Kushwaha community and Nitish Kumar, the undisputed leader of the Kurmi caste, further underscore the dominance of caste leaders in Bihar politics. All the regional parties like LJP, HAM, RJD and VIP are associated with one or another prominent caste.
The upper castes support the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), and the Yadavs, the largest caste group at around 14% of the population, are solidly behind Tejashwi Yadav’s Rashtriya Janata Dal (RJD).
Prashant Kishor’s Jan Suraaj party faces the daunting task of cutting across these deeply entrenched caste loyalties to garner support.
Kishor’s focus on development and good governance may appeal to voters at an intellectual level, but its highly skeptical that the message may resonate strongly enough to sway significant portions of the electorate away from their traditional caste leaders. Convincing voters to support Jan Suraaj over established caste-based parties will be a long drawn battle with less probability of fetching any gain with elections just a year later.
Stance on Alcohol Ban on Women Voters in Bihar
Prashant Kishor’s announcement in a recent interview that he would lift Bihar’s alcohol ban within an hour of forming the government could significantly undermine his appeal among women voters in the state. The alcohol ban, implemented by Nitish Kumar in 2015, has been a crucial policy that has garnered widespread support from women across caste lines in Bihar.
Since the implementation of the ban cases of domestic violence linked to alcohol consumption have tremendosuly decreased, and the reduction in household expenditures on liquor has provided financial relief for many families. Additionally, the ban has significantly curtailed public drunkenness, leading to a safer and more secure environment, particularly for women and girls, who feel less threatened by the presence of drunken hooligans in public spaces.
While it is equally true that alcohol is still available illegally in Bihar, the fear of harsh penalties and fines has discouraged public consumption, maintaining a semblance of order. The loss of revenue from alcohol sales is a concern, but for many women, the social benefits of the ban far outweigh these economic considerations. This has made the alcohol ban a major factor in securing Nitish Kumar’s continued support from women voters.
By promising to lift the ban, Kishor risks alienating a substantial segment of the electorate—women voters.
This move could be perceived as a step back from the progress made in reducing alcohol-related social issues, and it may lead to a backlash from women who have benefitted from the ban.
Biggest Obstacle- Perception of a Vote-splitting Party
The main challenge for Prashant Kishor’s Jan Suraaj party in the 2025 Bihar elections is the perception among voters across political spectrums that the party could act as a vote cutter or what’s called populalry as a “vote-katua” in Hindi heartland. This perception will affect his ability to consolidate support from both the NDA and the INDIA (Indian National Developmental Inclusive Alliance) voter groups.
For Muslim voters, who make up a significant portion of the Rashtriya Janata Dal (RJD) support base, there is a fear that voting for Jan Suraaj could inadvertently weaken the RJD’s position against the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP). Given that Muslims often vote strategically to prevent the BJP from gaining power, any division of votes among opposition parties is seen as potentially benefiting the BJP. As a result, many Muslims may hesitate to support Jan Suraaj.
On the other hand, upper-caste voters, who traditionally lean towards the BJP/NDA, may also view Jan Suraaj with caution. These voters may perceive Kishor’s party as drawing votes away from the BJP/NDA, which could inadvertently help the RJD regain power. The memory of the “Jungle Raj” era during Lalu Prasad Yadav’s tenure still resonates with many voters across the caste lines in Bihar. Therefore, these voters might avoid supporting Jan Suraaj to ensure that the RJD does not benefit from a split in the NDA vote share.
PK’s Dilemma in Stategic Positioning in Bihar’s Political Arena
If Prashant Kishor focuses heavily on criticizing the BJP/NDA to position himself as a stronger opponent than Tejaswi Yadav and attract Muslim voters, he risks alienating upper-caste voters. These voters might perceive Kishor as being sympathetic to the RJD, which could deter them from supporting Jan Suraaj. On the other hand, if Kishor adopts a more aggressive stance against the RJD, it could raise suspicions among Muslim voters, who may see him as less committed to challenging the BJP. The RJD has already started portraying Kishor as the BJP’s “B team” to dissuade Muslim voters from supporting Jan Suraaj. Balancing these conflicting perceptions will be a significant challenge for Prashant Kishore.
Conclusion
While Prashant Kishor may attract some support from progressive voters impressed by his focus on development, education, and employment, his prospects of winning a significant number of seats in the upcoming Bihar elections appear slim. Given the challenges highlighted above, it is unlikely that Kishor’s Jan Suraaj party will secure even ten seats in Bihar 2025 elections. However, Kishor could potentially impact the vote share of the NDA by appealing to voters frustrated with long-standing anti-incumbency sentiments against the NDA at both the state and central levels.
Kishor might also draw some support from upper-caste voters disillusioned with the “Mandalized” caste politics that have dominated Bihar since the 1990s and who hope for a revival of the state under his leadership. Additionally, a segment of the youth keen on change and development, may find Kishor’s promises appealing and choose to vote for him.
However, breaking into the Yadav vote bank, which forms the backbone of the Rashtriya Janata Dal (RJD), will be a formidable challenge. The Yadav community has shown strong loyalty to the RJD due to its caste-based alignment, making it difficult for Kishor to sway them away from Lalu Yadav’s family.
Overall, while Kishor’s Jan Suraaj may manage to get many votes on a few seats with strong candidates, it is unlikely to emerge as a major player in the 2025 Bihar Legislative Assembly elections. Instead, Kishor’s party might inadvertently help the RJD by fragmenting the NDA’s support base.
