Story Brunch
Introduction
The caste dynamics in Bihar have historically been a complex interplay of social, economic, and political factors. The upper castes, primarily composed of Bhumihars, Rajputs, Brahmins, and Kayasthas, have traditionally enjoyed dominance in the socio-economic and political spheres. Among them, Bhumihars and Rajputs have been particularly influential, often holding significant landholdings and political positions.
On the other hand, the Other Backward Classes (OBCs) constitute a substantial portion of Bihar’s population, with certain communities like Yadavs and Kurmis being more dominant than others. The political mobilization of OBCs, especially post the Mandal Commission era, has significantly impacted Bihar’s political landscape.
According to the recent caste census, the top 10 castes population-wise in Bihar are as follows:
- Yadavs: 14.26%
- Dusadh/ Dhari/ Darahi: 5.31%
- Mochi/ Ravidas/ Chamar/ Charmkar: 5.25%
- Kushwahas: 4.2%
- Brahmins: 3.6%
- Rajputs: 3.4%
- Musahars: 3.08%
- Bhumihars: 2.87%
- Kurmis: 2.87%
- Telis: 2.81%
Congress Sees An Opportunity To Challenge BJP’s Hindutva By Dividing Hindu Votebank In 2024
In recent times, the discourse surrounding casteism has resurfaced with a heightened vigor in the socio-political landscape of Bihar after the era of caste wars in 1990s. The state’s ruling alliance manifested its enthusiasm by conducting a caste-based census, projecting it as a revolutionary milestone in Indian politics. The manifest intent behind this endeavor was primarily to foster a deeper understanding of the socio-economic conditions prevalent among various caste groups. But the latent function of caste census is to uplift political fortunes of Nitish Kumar’s JDU and to damage BJP’s Hindutva plank.
Congress and JDU-RJD alliance believes that the caste census will serve as a double-edged sword against the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP)’s overarching narrative of Hindutva. By dissecting the Hindu voter base along caste lines, the opposition foresees an erosion in the monolithic Hindu identity that the BJP has meticulously crafted over the years. They argue that this census will unveil the stark disparities among different caste groups, thereby challenging the homogenizing Hindutva narrative, which often overlooks the nuanced caste dynamics intrinsic to the Hindu society.
The caste census, according to opposition parties, is a mechanism that could potentially decentralize the BJP’s stronghold, as it may expose the socio-economic fissures that exist within the Hindu community. This, they believe, will galvanize caste-based politics, enabling opposition parties to consolidate support among marginalized and backward caste groups who have been historically disenfranchised. The caste census, in their perspective, is a tool that could recalibrate the political equations, making the electoral battlefield more conducive for caste-driven politics in 2024 general elections.
This shift is perceived by Rahul Gandhi’s Congress as a window of opportunity to challenge the BJP’s politics of Hindutva. They argue that by spotlighting caste disparities, the census may disrupt the BJP’s attempt to unify the Hindu community under a single ideological canopy. This disruption could possibly pave the way for a political narrative that may benefit I.N.D.I. alliance in coming elections.
Bihar government’s initiative to conduct a caste census should be seen as a tacit acknowledgment of the enduring relevance of caste in Bihar’s socio-political fabric. While the RJD-JDU hails the caste census as a progressive step towards addressing caste-based disparities, the Congress envisages a prospective realignment in the political narrative which could potentially challenge the BJP’s politics of Hindutva.
Through this lens, the caste census is not merely a statistical exercise, but a potent political endeavor that could redefine the contours of electoral politics in India, at least thats what Congress expects it to do.
Why Caste-based Politics Is More Significant In Bihar Than Other States?
The intricate web of casteism and caste-based politics in Bihar finds its sustenance in the socio-economic dispositions of the state. With a population exceeding 13 crores, Bihar is a bustling hub of diverse caste dynamics1. Yet, the economic opportunities here are scarce, contrasting sharply with the burgeoning populace. The crux of caste-based politics, helmed by prominent politicians like Nitish Kumar and Tejaswi Yadav, lies in leveraging these caste fault lines to their advantage, especially eyeing the national elections in 2024 and state elections in 2025.
The economic landscape of Bihar, marked by a per capita income significantly lower than other states, fosters a fertile ground for caste-driven political narratives. Instead of embarking on a rigorous endeavor to uplift the state’s economy, which would invariably benefit all caste groups, the political machinery often resorts to the easier route of caste polarization. This not only furthers the schism among different caste groups but also undermines the potential for fostering social unity and economic growth.
Such a stratagem is envisioned to pit the Other Backward Classes (OBC) against the Upper Castes, who are in minority, thus stirring the cauldron of caste-based animosities. This polarization, while detrimental to Hindu unity, is seen as a catalyst for bolstering the prospects of Mandal parties.
The pernicious cycle of caste-based politics thus continues to grip Bihar, overshadowing the imperative for economic development and social cohesion.
Real Conflict Theory and Bihar’s Caste Politics
Real Conflict Theory, rooted in sociology, posits that social groups will compete and potentially come into conflict over scarce resources. According to this theory, social inequalities and divisions emerge when resources are limited, and different groups vie for their share to advance their interests.
In the context of Bihar, the principles of Real Conflict Theory manifest vividly. The state’s lower GDP coupled with its high population density creates a scenario of scarce resources. The insufficient economic pie intensifies competition among different caste groups for a larger share of the available resources, thereby providing a fertile ground for divisive caste politics. Politicians exploit these existing caste fault lines to garner support and secure a favorable position in the electoral landscape, perpetuating a cycle of caste-based polarization.
Now, juxtaposing Bihar with states from West and South India, which have higher per capita incomes, reveals a contrasting scenario. The larger economic pie in these states alleviates the intensity of competition among various social groups for resources. This relative abundance dials down the propensity for caste-based conflicts and political mobilization around caste identities.
Consequently, the caste census which is presumed to work in favor of JDU-RJD ruling alliance in Bihar due to the entrenched caste-based competition, may not yield the same political advantage in these states.
The economic affluence diffuses the caste tensions to a significant extent, making caste a less potent tool for political maneuvering in states with higher per capita incomes.
This comparative analysis underscores how the economic milieu of a region can significantly impact the manifestation and exploitation of caste divisions in political strategies. Where resources are scarce, Real Conflict Theory illuminates the propensity for caste-based politics to thrive, as observed in Bihar. Conversely, in regions with higher economic stability and a larger share of resources for each social group, caste-based political strategies may find lesser resonance, indicating a direct correlation between economic prosperity and the potential for caste polarization in electoral politics.
EBC/ Lower OBCs Challenge to Dominant/ Upper OBCs After Caste Census
The recent caste census in Bihar has unearthed a new level of socio-political dynamics that might unsettle the established political hegemony of dominant OBC castes like Yadavs and Kurmis. The data reveals that while Yadavs comprise 14% and Kurmis 2.8% of the population, there are other communities with substantial population percentages which have hitherto been overshadowed in the political arena1.Example- Dushadh 5.31% .
For over three decades, the political landscape of Bihar has been under the sway of either a Yadav (Lalu Yadav and Rabri Devi as CM for more than a decade and Tejaswi Yadav as Deputy CM) or a Kurmi Chief Minister. The current Chief Minister, Nitish Kumar, hails from the Kurmi community. However, the caste census has exposed the demographic weight of other communities, which may now seek a more significant share in political power reflective of their population percentages.
One such community is the Koeri (4.2%), which has had a historical alliance with the Kurmis under the banner of the Triveni Sangh formed before independence to assert the rights of OBCs. The Sangh had three constituent caste members: Yadav, Kurmi, and Koeri. Since 1990, Bihar has seen a Yadav and then a Kurmi Chief Minister, but the Koeri community has yet to see one of their own at the helm. Given their larger population compared to the Kurmi community, the Koeri community might now assert for a Chief Minister from their caste. This was an alliance based on mutual socio-political interests, with the Koeris largely supporting Nitish Kumar due to the Kurmi-Koeri affinity.
Similarly, other castes like Dusadhs and Ravidas/ Mochi might demand more significant stakes in the government. The caste census has essentially opened a Pandora’s Box, revealing the demographic reality of Bihar, which could potentially disrupt the established political equations.
The unfolding scenario post-caste census may present a challenge to the Nitish Kumar- Tejaswi government. The caste-based political narrative, which has so far favored the dominant OBC castes, might now face a realignment with the emergence of demands for political representation from other caste groups emboldened by their population numbers. The aspirations of these communities for a more significant share in political power and governance might stir the waters of caste politics in Bihar, making the upcoming elections a complex battlefield of caste-based alliances and competitions.
Moreover, the caste dynamics revealed by the census mirror the socio-economic strata of the state, where the dominant castes have had better access to resources and political power. The other backward classes, now with a statistical backing of their population size, might challenge this status quo, seeking a redistribution of power and resources.
This potential shift in political allegiance and the rising demands for representation from various communities could indeed boomerang against the Nitish Kumar government, which has hitherto enjoyed the support of several of these communities. The caste census, while hailed as a revolutionary step, has set the stage for a new chapter of caste-based politics in Bihar, the repercussions of which will unfold in the upcoming elections.
Inter-caste Disparity Among OBCs and EBCs not only Political, But also Social and Economical
The disparity in caste population among different OBC groups in Bihar has repercussions that extend beyond the political arena into social and economic domains. The dominant OBC groups have historically capitalized on the political power accrued post the Mandal era to enhance their socio-economic standing. This political clout has often translated into better access to resources, educational and job opportunities, and a higher social status. On the contrary, the Extremely Backward Castes (EBCs), despite being a significant part of the population, have witnessed only marginal improvements in their socio-economic conditions.
The caste census illuminates this disparity, providing the EBCs with a statistical basis to articulate their grievances and demand a more substantial share in political power. This is seen as a pathway to ameliorate their socio-economic conditions through better representation in government, which could lead to more targeted policies addressing their specific needs and challenges.
The unfolding scenario may give rise to a new form of polarization within the OBC groups, with lower OBCs rallying against the dominant upper OBCs, contrary to the existing narrative of the whole OBC group pitted against the Upper Castes.
This internal rift challenges the conventional alliance among OBC groups, which the Nitish and Tejaswi government might have banked on for political consolidation.
The EBCs, now politically mobilized and seeking a larger stake in governance, might align with other marginalized groups and support BJP (along with Upper castes) that promise to address their socio-economic concerns. This potential realignment could disrupt the established political equations for RJD-JDU alliance.
Furthermore, the demand for a more equitable distribution of political power and resources among different OBC groups highlights a growing awareness and assertion of rights among the EBCs.
This shift in political consciousness could lead to a more fragmented and competitive caste-based political landscape, where caste alliances are reconfigured based on shared socio-economic grievances rather than traditional caste hierarchies.
The caste census, in revealing the demographic realities, has inadvertently set the stage for a nuanced and multi-layered caste discourse in Bihar. It underscores the evolving caste dynamics where the quest for socio-economic upliftment is driving new political alignments, challenging the established hegemony of dominant OBC groups, and potentially redefining caste politics in the state.
End of Nitish Kumar’s Political Career?
With Tejaswi Yadav hailing from the Yadav community, which constitutes a significant 14% of the population, and Nitish Kumar from the Kurmi community, making up only 2.8% of the population, the political scales might tilt in favor of Tejaswi Yadav and his party, Rashtriya Janata Dal (RJD)1.
The RJD might leverage this demographic advantage to assert a stronger claim for the Chief Ministerial position for Tejaswi Yadav in the near future. The caste census data serves as a statistical testament to the RJD’s broader base of support within the populous Yadav community, which could be portrayed as a mandate for greater political representation and a claim to the Chief Minister’s office. RJD is already a senior partner in the government with far more seats than Nitish Kumar’s JDU.
On the other hand, Nitish Kumar, whose political standing has not been very dominant so far, might find himself on further shaky ground. The lesser population percentage of the Kurmi community, as compared to the Yadavs, may be seen as a weaker demographic backing for his position as the Chief Minister. If Nitish Kumar fails to secure a prominent position at the Centre post-2024 general elections, it may very well mean the end of his political career even in the state.
The assertion by RJD for the Chief Minister’s position based on caste demographics could create a ripple effect, instigating other populous communities to demand more substantial political representation. This political tussle underscores how the caste census might be employed as a tool to renegotiate power dynamics in Bihar, thereby further intensifying the caste-based political discourse. BJP may benefit in this tussle by employing astute social engineering tactics.
Polarisation of Other Castes against Dominant Yadavs
Traditionally perceived as a dominant community within the Other Backward Castes (OBC) group, the Yadavs have been a formidable force in Bihar’s political landscape, often rallying behind the Rashtriya Janata Dal (RJD) alongside the Muslim community, forming the robust Muslim-Yadav (MY) combination.
However, the revelation of the Yadav community’s substantial demographic strength may potentially trigger a sense of disenchantment among other backward castes and Scheduled Castes (SCs). These groups might feel overshadowed and marginalized by the political dominance of Yadavs, leading to a clamor for a more equitable distribution of political power and resources.
This scenario sets the stage for a possible electoral polarization, where many OBCs and SC caste groups could align against the Yadavs. The perception of Yadavs as a dominant community enjoying a lion’s share of political power and socio-economic benefits could galvanize other caste groups to seek alliances that promise a better representation of their interests.
Moreover, the upper castes, who traditionally have been at odds with the MY combination, might find common cause with the disgruntled OBCs and SCs. This could lead to a broader coalition of backward castes, scheduled castes, and upper castes uniting against the established MY axis. Such a coalition could significantly alter the electoral dynamics, challenging the longstanding political hegemony of the Muslim-Yadav combination in Bihar. Uttar Pradesh has already witnessed this phenomenon in 2017 elections.
In essence, the caste census has potentially catalyzed a re-evaluation of political alliances and electoral strategies. The unfolding dynamics underscore a shifting landscape where the quest for a more equitable political representation could drive new alliances, thereby reshaping the contours of caste-based politics in Bihar.
Demand for Removal of 50% Ceiling on Reservation and Land Reforms
The Bihar caste census has reignited discussions surrounding the reservation policies in India. Opposition parties, in particular, see the potential for advocating a removal or re-evaluation of the 50% ceiling on reservations imposed by the Supreme Court, given that the census revealed around 84% of Bihar’s population falls under the backward caste category12. The current reservation cap stands at 50%, with 27% allocated to OBCs, 15% to Scheduled Castes, and 7.5% to Scheduled Tribes3. The caste census data, revealing that 63% of Bihar’s population belongs to Other Backward Castes (OBCs), lends weight to the political demand for re-evaluating this cap, especially in a state where caste-based politics significantly influence electoral outcomes4.
The discussions extend beyond just reservations in education and jobs to potentially encompass land redistribution based on demographic statistics. Although no explicit data or demands for land redistribution in Bihar post-caste census have been located during the research, traditionally, land redistribution has been a means to address socio-economic disparities. The caste census brings to the forefront the glaring disparities among different caste groups in Bihar, highlighting the skewed distribution of resources and opportunities.
Further, the caste census may spur demands for further compartmentalization of reservation quotas. The disparities in representation among different communities within the OBC category might lead to calls for a more nuanced reservation system that accurately reflects the socio-economic conditions of these groups. While dominant OBC communities like the Kurmis and Yadavs and ST community like Meenas have historically benefited from the reservation system, the caste census data could empower other marginalized communities to demand a fair share of the reservation pie shrinking the space for dominant OBC, SC and ST communities within the reservation quota, thus potentially creating rifts within the broader reserved category.
Additionally, the elite class among OBCs such as the creamy layer, who have transitioned to a higher socio-economic status, may resist any attempts to remove the 50% ceiling on reservations or redistribute land, as such measures could threaten their acquired privileges and intensify the competition for them in unreserved category. This potential resistance from within the OBC category underscores the complexity and multi-dimensional nature of caste-based politics and why it shall not be easy for the opposition to reap dividends based on caste census.
A Political Misadventure for Nitish Kumar?
Nitish Kumar, a veteran in Bihar’s political landscape, might have misread the evolving caste dynamics in the state, possibly viewing the scenario through the lens of the 1990s, a period marked by a pronounced OBC consolidation against the upper caste dominance in politics. This era saw the emergence of a unified OBC front rallying against the traditionally dominant upper castes, significantly reshaping Bihar’s political narrative.
However, as we step into the 2020s, the caste dynamics have morphed into a more complex and fragmented structure. The OBC bloc is no longer a monolithic entity but a conglomeration of various competing castes, each with its own set of aspirations and grievances. The caste census, envisaged by Nitish Kumar as a tool to further consolidate OBC support, might instead unveil the deep-seated fissures among different OBC groups. This nuanced caste landscape might not reverberate with the simplistic OBC versus upper caste polarization narrative of the 1990s, and hence, the caste census politics may boomerang against Nitish Kumar.
Conclusion
The emerging narrative underscores a pressing need for Bihar to transition from caste-based politics towards a more development-oriented political discourse.
The proverbial ‘pie’, symbolizing the state’s GDP, economic opportunities, and resources, has remained stagnant or grown minimally, while the political discourse has been engrossed in redistributing this ‘pie’ based on caste identities.
The incessant focus on caste-based redistribution has overshadowed the imperative of enlarging the ‘pie’ through fostering manufacturing, services, and the agricultural sector.
A shift in political focus towards enhancing the state’s GDP, creating more job opportunities, and fostering an environment conducive for industrial and agricultural growth is pivotal. By increasing the size of the ‘pie’, the state can ensure a more equitable and substantial share for all, transcending the limiting boundaries of caste.
The way forward for Bihar entails breaking free from the shackles of caste-based politics and steering towards a path of economic growth and development. This transition is crucial for Bihar to overcome the historical caste prejudices and to embark on a trajectory of inclusive and sustainable development.
